China Restricts Christmas Celebrations While Promoting “Localized” Alternatives

Tahir Imin Uyghurian | December 26, 2025

As Christmas approached this year, Chinese authorities across multiple the country intensified efforts to discourage public and institutional observance of the holiday, reinforcing a long-standing campaign against what officials describe as “foreign festivals,” while simultaneously promoting a localized and politically framed narrative around the season.

Although no nationwide ban on Christmas decorations was imposed in major cities such as Beijing and Shanghai, authorities adopted a range of measures aimed at diluting public celebrations. Christmas Eve and Christmas Day masses in many Catholic and Protestant churches were either closed to the public or subject to strict attendance limits. At the same time, schools and educational institutions nationwide—from universities to kindergartens—issued coordinated notices urging students and staff to “reject foreign festivals” and refrain from Christmas-related activities.

Chinese official social media accounts shared videos promoting traditional Chinese epics and legendary figures as alternatives to Christmas, presenting them as symbols of a “new beginning” and emphasizing that China should celebrate its own cultural festivals rather than Christmas.

Meanwhile, on December 26—Chairman Mao Zedong’s 132nd birthday—large crowds gathered in Mao’s hometown to commemorate the former leader. State media coverage highlighted continued public reverence for Mao among segments of the population, underscoring the contrast between the official discouragement of Western religious holidays and the promotion of revolutionary and nationalist symbols.

Yaqiu Wang, Chinese human rights and democracy advocate and University of Chicago fellow, criticized the state-sponsored commemoration of Mao’s birthday in China, saying: “Today is Mao’s birthday. It strains credulity that people in China commemorate Mao, arguably history’s worst mass murderer. It’s a reflection of effects of propaganda education, people’s desire for a ‘savior’ and the fact that mass gathering is only allowed under such conditions.”

This year’s Christmas also marked the first since large-scale arrests were carried out against Zion Church, a prominent house church network, further heightening concerns among religious communities. While China’s State Administration for Religious Affairs released a “Merry Christmas” image on its official social media account, accompanying messaging emphasized the need to uphold the principle of “Sinicization of religion,” calling on Christian communities to prioritize patriotism and traditional Chinese culture.

In Beijing and Guangzhou, Catholic churches were permitted to hold Christmas and Christmas Eve masses, but participation was limited to registered worshippers with tickets, and services were not open to the general public. Beijing’s Xuanwumen Catholic Church, the city’s largest, publicly listed its mass schedules while explicitly stating that services were closed to outsiders and subject to attendance caps.

A video circulating on social media shows that Chinese authorities barred a Catholic church in Beijing’s Wangfujing area from holding a public Christmas Eve service.

At the same time, official media outlets including People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) platforms published articles reframing December 24 as the anniversary of the Chinese victory in the Battle of Chosin Reservoir during the Korean War. One widely circulated article urged the public to “remember martyrs rather than celebrate Christmas,” arguing that honoring fallen soldiers was the most appropriate way to commemorate the date.

Educational institutions played a central role in enforcing the “anti-foreign festival” campaign. Education bureaus in multiple provinces issued nearly identical directives calling for a “rational view of all holidays.” In Heilongjiang’s Hegang City, authorities instructed schools to prohibit the exchange of Western holiday gifts, ban themed decorations, and prevent Christmas-related events, emphasizing that teachers should set an example and students should monitor one another.

Universities followed suit. Xiamen University’s Tan Kah Kee College released a notice warning that excessive enthusiasm for foreign festivals could weaken national cultural identity and undermine cultural confidence. The school urged students and staff not to organize or participate in Christmas gatherings, sell related items on campus, or promote Christmas imagery on social media.

Primary schools and kindergartens echoed similar messaging, describing Christmas and Christmas Eve as religious Western holidays and calling on families to “consciously resist” such observances. Several schools explicitly discouraged or banned the long-standing custom of exchanging apples—known as “peace apples”—on Christmas Eve. One Beijing kindergarten stated that students were not permitted to bring apples to school during the holiday period.

Despite the extensive official campaign, public enthusiasm has not been entirely suppressed. On social media platforms popular with younger users, such as Xiaohongshu and Douyin, users shared creative alternatives, including Christmas tree images made from traditional foods like roast duck and dim sum, or AI-generated “Christmas trees” assembled from everyday household items. These trends suggest a growing phenomenon in which Christmas is neither fully abandoned nor openly embraced, but reshaped into a culturally “localized” and politically acceptable form.

Observers note that China’s ongoing campaign against “foreign festivals,” first launched more than seven years ago, has yet to fully achieve its intended effect. While institutional celebrations are increasingly restricted, popular culture and private expression continue to adapt, revealing the limits of state control over social and cultural life.

Analysts note that the Chinese Communist Party remains wary of the emotional and cultural appeal that Western traditions and Christianity hold for segments of the Chinese public. They argue that the spread of Christian beliefs and Western cultural practices is viewed by the Party as a potential challenge to its political authority and ideological dominance, which is rooted in Han-centric nationalism and China’s state-led, hybrid capitalist system under Communist rule.